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David Coleman
David Coleman, Lawyer
Category: Criminal Law
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Experience:  BEc(SocSci). LLB (Usyd) - 5 years of Work Experience
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Need some Help...preparating an article on criminal thinking

Customer Question

Your supervisor would like you to do some research in preparation for an article regarding the application of modern theories of criminal thinking and criminal behavior of famous criminals in American history to be submitted to Criminologist's Quarterly. Using web research and Library resources, prepare an analysis, in a professional format of your choice, of a well-known criminal in American history; you can also choose duos or groups, such as Bonnie & Clyde or The Dalton Gang. Discuss how various psychological and sociological theories of criminal thinking and behavior would explain the criminal's crimes and how they would be classified today. For example, would Jesse James, a criminal who robbed banks with his James' Gang, be considered a psychopath or goal driven property criminal because he stole money or perhaps a member of organized crime because he was in a "gang."
Submitted: 6 years ago.
Category: Criminal Law
Expert:  David Coleman replied 6 years ago.
Dear Sir/Madam,

There are some fantastic articles available on these topics which apply a theory of criminal behaviour (such as psychopahy) to case studies. One of the best ones I have read is this:

Rebel without a Cause: The Hypnoanalysis of a Criminal Psychopath.
by Robert M. Lindner Author(s) of Review: Howard E. Jensen
Social Forces, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Dec., 1944), pp. 219-220

http://www.aic.gov.au/conferences/probation/wojciechowski.pdf.

I have also attached an article below which should be of use to you. I will continue to research and look up something for you to work with. I hope this is helpful so far.

Regards,

XXXXX XXXXX

THE CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR OF THE SERIAL RAPIST

By

Robert R. Hazelwood, M.S.
Special Agent
Behavioral Science Instruction/Research Unit
Quantico, VA

and

Janet Warren, D.S.W.
Institute of Psychiatry and Law
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, VA


From 1984 to 1986, FBI Special Agents assigned to the
National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC)
interviewed 41 men who were responsible for raping 837 victims.
Previous issues of the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin provided an
introduction to this research (1) and the characteristics of the
rapists and their victims. (2) This article, however, describes
the behavior of these serial rapists during and following the
commission of their sexual assaults. The information presented
is applicable only to the men interviewed; it is not intended to
be generalized to all men who rape.

PREMEDITATION

The majority of the sexual attacks (55-61%) committed by
these men were premeditated across their first, middle, and last
rapes, while fewer rapists reported their crimes as being
impulsive (15-22%) or opportunistic (22-24%). Although no
comparable data on serial rape are available, it is probable that
the premeditation involved in these crimes is particularly
characteristic of these serial rapists. It is also probable that
this premeditation is reflective of their preferential interest
in this type of crime and largely accounts for their ability to
avoid detection.

METHODS OF APPROACH

There are three different styles of approach rapists
frequently use: The ``con,'' the ``blitz,'' and the
``surprise.'' (3) Each reflects a different means of selecting,
approaching and subduing a chosen victim.

The ``Con'' Approach
Case Number XXXXX

John, a man who raped more than 20 women, told the
interviewers that he stopped one of his victims late at night and
identified himself as a plainclothes police officer. He asked
for her driver's license and registration, walked back to his car
and sat there for a few moments. He then returned to the victim,
advised her that her registration had expired and asked her to
accompany him to his car. She did so, and upon entering the car,
he handcuffed her and drove to an isolated location where he
raped and sodomized the victim.

As in the above case account, the con approach involves
subterfuge and is predicated on the rapist's ability to interact
with women. With this technique, the rapist openly approaches
the victim and requests or offers some type of assistance or
direction. However, once the victim is within his control, the
offender may suddenly become more aggressive.

The con approach was used in 8 (24%) of the first rapes, 12
(35%) of the middle rapes, and 14 (41%) of the last rapes.
Various ploys used by the offenders included impersonating a
police officer, providing transportation for a hitchhiking
victim, and picking women up in singles bars. Obviously, this
style of initiating contact with victims requires an ability to
interact with women.

The ``Blitz'' Approach
Case Number XXXXX

Phil, a 28-year-old male, approached a woman loading
groceries in her car, struck her in the face, threw her in the
vehicle and raped her. On another occasion, he entered a women's
restroom in a hospital, struck his victim, and raped her in a
stall. Exiting the restroom with the victim in his grasp, he
threatened her as though they were involved in a lover's quarrel,
and thus precluded interference from concerned onlookers who had
gathered when she screamed.

In a blitz approach, the rapist uses a direct, injurious
physical assault which subdues and physically injures the victim.
The attacker may also use chemicals or gases but most frequently
makes use of his ability to physically overpower a woman.
Interestingly, despite its simplicity, this approach was used in
23% of the first rapes, 20% of the middle rapes, and 17% of the
last rapes. Even though it is used less often than the con
approach, the blitz approach results in more extensive physical
injury and inhibits certain fantasy components of the rape that
may be arousing to the rapist.

The ``Surprise'' Approach
Case Number XXXXX

Sam, a 24-year-old male, would preselect his victims through
``peeping tom'' activities. He would then watch the victim's
residence to establish her patterns. After deciding to rape the
woman, he would wait until she had gone to sleep, enter the home,
and place his hand over her mouth. He would advise the victim
that he did not intend to harm her if she cooperated with the
assault. He raped more than 20 women before he was apprehended.

The surprise approach, which involves the assailant waiting
for the victim or approaching her after she is sleeping,
presupposes that the rapist has targeted or preselected his
victim through unobserved contact and knowledge of when the
victim would be alone. Threats and/or the presence of a weapon
are often associated with this type of approach; however, there
is no actual injurious force applied.

The surprise approach was used by the serial rapists in 19
(54%) of the first rapes, 16 (46%) of the middle rapes, and 16
(44%) of the last rapes (percentages vary due to the number of
rapes). This represents the most frequently used means of
approach and is used most often by men who lack confidence in
their ability to subdue the victim through physical threats or
subterfuge.

CONTROLLING THE VICTIM

How rapists maintain control over a victim is dependent upon
two factors: Their motivation for the sexual attack and/or the
passivity of the victim. Within this context, four control
methods are frequently used in various combinations during a
rape: 1) Mere physical presence; 2) verbal threats; 3) display of
a weapon; and 4) the use of physical force. (4)

The men in this study predominantly used a threatening
physical presence (82-92%) and/or verbal threats (65-80%) to
control their victims. Substantially less often they displayed a
weapon (44-49%) or physically assaulted the victim (27-32%).
When a weapon was displayed, it was most often a sharp
instrument, such as a knife (27-42%).

One rapist explained that he chose a knife because he
perceived it to be the most intimidating weapon to use against
women in view of their fear of disfigurement. Firearms were used
less frequently (14-20%). Surprisingly, all but a few of the
rapists used binding located at the scene of the rape. One
exception was an individual who brought pre-cut lengths of rope,
adhesive tape and handcuffs along with him.

THE USE OF FORCE

The amount of force used during a rape provides valuable
insight into the motivations of the rapist and, hence, must be
analyzed by those investigating the offense or evaluating the
offender. (5) The majority of these men (75-84%) used minimal or
no physical force across all three rapes. (6) This degree of
minimal force is defined as non-injurious force employed more to
intimidate than to punish. (7)

Case Number XXXXX

John began raping at 24 years of age and estimated that he
had illegally entered over 5,000 homes to steal female
undergarments. On 18 of those occasions, he also raped. He
advised that he had no desire to harm the victims. He stated,
``Raping them is one thing. Beating on them is entirely
something else. None of my victims were harmed and for a person
to kill somebody after raping them, it just makes me mad.''

Force resulting in bruises and lacerations or extensive
physical trauma requiring hospitalization or resulting in death
increased from 5% of the first rapes, 8% of the middle rapes, to
10% of the last rapes. Two victims (5%) were murdered during the
middle rapes and an additional 2 (5%) were killed during the last
rapes.

Case Number XXXXX

Phil, an attractive 30-year-old male, described stabbing his
mother to death when she awoke as he was attempting to remove her
undergarments in preparation for sexual intercourse. He had been
drinking and smoking marihuana with her for a period of time
prior to the attempted sexual act, and after she fell asleep, he
began fantasizing about having sex with her.

Most of the rapists in this study did not increase the
amount of force they used across their first, middle and last
rapes. (8) However, 10 of the rapists, termed ``increasers,'' did
use progressively greater force over successive rapes and raped
twice as many women on the average (40 victims as opposed to 22
victims) in half the amount of time (i.e., raping every 19 days
as opposed to 55 days). By the time of the last assault, they
were inflicting moderate to fatal injuries. These factors,
coupled with progressive interest in anal intercourse among the
increasers, suggest that for these individuals, sexual sadism may
be a motive for their assaultive behavior.

VICTIM RESISTANCE

Victim resistance may be defined as any action or inaction
on the part of the victim which precludes or delays the
offender's attack. These behaviors may be described as passive,
verbal, or physical in nature. (9)

The rapists reported that their victims verbally resisted
them in 53% of the first assaults, 54% of the middle attacks, and
43% of the last attacks. Physical resistance occurred in only
19%, 32% and 28% of the first, middle, and last rapes
respectively. The relatively low incidence of passive resistance
(i.e., 28% in the first rape, 17% of the middle rape, and 9% of
the last rape) most likely reflects the rapists' inability to
discern this type of resistance.

In previous research, it was found that there was no
relationship between both verbal and physical resistance and the
amount of injury sustained by the victim. (10) Interestingly,
however, the degree of the rapists' pleasure and the duration of
the rape did increase when the victim resisted.

In this study, the offenders' most common reaction to
resistance for the first, middle and last rapes was to verbally
threaten the victim (50-41%). Compromise or negotiation took
place in 11-12% across the rapes, and physical force was used in
22% of the first rapes, 38% of the second rapes and 18% of the
third rapes. The rapists also reported 6 incidents in which they
left when the victim resisted; however, it is not clear at what
point in the attack the resistance occurred.

SEXUAL DYNAMICS OF THE RAPE

The sexual acts that the victim was forced to engage in
remained relatively constant across all three rapes. The most
common acts were vaginal intercourse (54-67%), oral sex (29-44%),
kissing (8-13%) and fondling (10-18%). Anal intercourse (5-10%)
and foreign object penetration (3-8%) were reported less often.
In assessing changes in behavior over the first, middle and last
rapes, there appears to be a trend wherein the rapists' interest
in oral sex increases while his interest in vaginal contact
decreases.

The amount of pleasure that the rapist experienced during
the three assaults was measured with the statement: ``Think back
to the penetration during the rape. Assuming `0' equals your
worst sexual experience and `10' your absolutely best sexual
experience, rate the amount of pleasure you experienced.'' The
majority of rapists reported surprisingly low levels of pleasure
(3.7). However, the type of contact that resulted in higher
scores differed widely. (11) One rapist reported appreciation for
his victims' passivity and acquiescence, while another referred
to the pleasure experienced in the rape-murder of two young boys
as being ``off the scale.'

Case Number XXXXX

Paul had raped adult women, adolescent and preadolescent
girls and brought his criminal career to an end with the rape and
murder of two 10-year-old boys. When asked to rate the sexual
experiences, he advised that he would rate the adult and
adolescent females as ``0'' and the preadolescent girls as ``3.''
He then stated, "When you're talking about sex with 10-year-old
boys, your scale doesn't go high enough.''

VERBAL ACTIVITY

Across the first, middle and last rapes, the majority of
serial rapists (78-85%) usually only conversed with the victims
to threaten them. Much less frequently, their conversations were
polite or friendly (30-34%), manipulative (23-37%), or personal
(23-37%). In a minority of instances throughout the assaults,
the rapist reported being inquisitive (15-20%), abusive/
degrading (5-13%), or silent (8-13%). It appears that serial
rapists use verbal threats to subdue the victim, and only after
they believe they have gained control over the victim do they
move on to various other modes of conversing or interacting.

SEXUAL DYSFUNCTION

In a study of 170 rapists, it was determined that 34%
experiencedsome type of sexual dysfunction during the rape. (12) In
fact, it has been noted that ``the occurrence of offender sexual
dysfunction and an investigatory understanding of the dysfunction
may provide valuable information about the unidentified
rapist.'' (13)

The data on these serial rapists are strikingly similar. In
the first rape, 38% of the subjects reported a sexual
dysfunction, 39% in the middle rape, and 35% during the last
assault. This type of information can prove helpful to the
investigator in associating different offenses with a single
offender, because the nature of the dysfunction and the means the
offender uses to overcome it are likely to remain constant over a
number of rapes.

EVADING DETECTION

Considering the rapists' aptitude for avoiding detection, it
is surprising to note that very few of the serial rapists
employed specific behaviors designed to preclude identification.
In fact, offenders tend to rape their victims in the victim's own
home, thereby contributing to their ability to avoid detection. (14)

In addition, the majority of rapists (61-68%) did not report
dressing in any special way for the offenses. Surprisingly,
disguises were reported in only 7-12% of the offenses, suggesting
that other means of evading detection were used by these
particular offenders.

ALCOHOL AND OTHER DRUGS

Alcohol is commonly associated with rape, but other drugs,
to a lesser degree, are also used at the time of the rape. (15) The
data on these rapists suggest a somewhat different relationship
between alcohol/drugs and serial rape. Approximately one-third
of the rapists were drinking alcoholic beverages at the time of
the first, middle and last offenses, and 17-24% of the
respondents reported using drugs. In a majority of these cases,
these figures reflect the offender's typical consumption pattern
and not an unusual increase in substance abuse.

POST-OFFENSE BEHAVIOR

The serial rapists were also asked about changes in their
behavior following their assaults. The most frequent changes
after each of the crimes included feeling remorseful and guilty
(44-51%), following the case in the media (28%) and an increase
in alcohol/drug consumption (20-27%). Investigators should also
particularly note that 12-15% of rapists reported revisiting the
crime scene and 8-13% communicated with the victim after the
crime.

CONCLUSION

The research concerning serial rapists' behavior during and
following the commission of the crimes has determined that:

* The majority of the rapes were premeditated

* The ``con'' approach was used most often in initiating
contact with the victim

* A threatening presence and verbal threats were used to
maintain control over the victim

* Minimal or no force was used in the majority of instances

* The victims physically, passively or verbally resisted the
rapists in slightly over 50% of the offenses

* The most common offender reaction to resistance was to
verbally threaten the victim

* Slightly over one-third of the offenders experienced a
sexual dysfunction, and the preferred sexual acts were vaginal
rape and forced fellatio

* Low levels of pleasure were reported by the rapists from the
sexual acts

* The rapists tended not to be concerned with precautionary
measures to protect their identities

* Approximately one-third of the rapists had consumed
alcohol prior to the crime and slightly less reported using
some other drug.


The most common post-offense behavior reported by the reapists
were feelings of remorse and guilt, following the case in the media
and an increase in alcohol and drug consumption.

These characteristics, although not generally applicable to
every rapist, can be helpful in learning more about offenders, their
behaviors and the heinnous crime of rape.


FOOTNOTES

(1) Robert R. Hazelwood & Ann w. Burgess, "An Introduction to the
Serial Rapist," FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, vol. 56, No. 9,
September 1987, pp. 16-24.

(2) Robert R. Hazelwood & Janet Warren, "The Serial Rapist: His
Characteristics and Victims,: FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, vol.
58, Nos. 1 and 2, January and February 1989, pp. 10-17 and 11-18.

(3) Supra note 1.

(4) Supra note 1.

(5) Supra note 1.

(6) Robert R. Hazelwood, R. Reboussin & J. Warren, "Serial Rape:
Correlates of Increased Aggression and the Relationship of Offen-
der Pleasure to Victim Resistance," Journal of Interpersonal
Violence, March 1989, pp. 65-78.

(7) Supra note 1.

(8) Supra note 5.

(9) Supra note 1.

(10) Supra note 5.

(11) Supra note 5.

(12) N.A. Groth & A. W. Burgess, "Sexual Dysfunction During Rape,"
New England Journal of Medicine, October 6, 1977, pp. 764-766.

(13) Robert R. Hazelwood, "Analyzing the Rape and Profiling the
Offender," Practical Aspects of Rape Investigations: A Multi-
disciplinary Approach, R.R. Hazelwood & A.W. Burgess (Eds.)
(New York: Elsevier Science Publishing Co., Inc., 1987), pp. 169-
199.

(14) Robert R. Hazelwood & J. Warren, "The Serial Rapist: His
Characteristics and Victims," Part II, FBI Law Enforcement Bulle-
tin, February 1989, pp. 11-18.

(15) R. Rada, "Psychological Factors in Rapist Behavior," American
Journal of Psychiatry, vo. 132, pp. 444-446, 1975 and R. Rada,
"Psychological Factors in Rapist Behavior," Clinical Aspects of
the Rapist, R. Rada (Ed.)(New York: Grune and Stratton Publishing
Co., Inc., 1978), pp. 21-85.
Customer: replied 6 years ago.
Reply to XXXXX XXXXX's Post: IS there more coming? Don't get me wrong you have provided some excellent research on the Mind of a raptist. However question was "modern theories of criminal thinking and criminal behavior of (famous criminals in American history) to be submitted to Criminologist's Quarterly" Example might be Ted Bundy. Please let me know what if anything is following this question: Thanks
Expert:  David Coleman replied 6 years ago.

Dear Madam,

I am not sure if you want to look at the columbine shooting, because it is very disturbing to read about, but there is some research into the peronality types of the shooters in the official report.

A copy of the Columbine report can be found here: http://www.boulderdailycamera.com/shooting/report.html

There is also a good series of personality profiles found here http://www.csbsju.edu/uspp/Research/Index-Criminal.html including this article:

XXXXX XXXXX: Personality Profile

Aubrey Immelman

August 2004

XXXXX XXXXX's personality, as inferred from his writing, is consistent with the syndrome described by Otto Kernberg (1984) as malignant narcissism. The core components of this syndrome are pathological narcissism, antisocial features, paranoid traits, and unconstrained aggression. More narrowly construed, XXXXX XXXXX matches Theodore Millon's (1996) description of the malevolent antisocial.

Primary Pattern: Sadistic
http://www.millon.net/taxonomy/sadistic.htm

MIDC Scale 1A: The Dominant Pattern

The Dominant pattern, as do all personality patterns, occurs on a continuum ranging from normal to maladaptive. At the well-adjusted pole are strong-willed, commanding, assertive personalities. Slightly exaggerated Dominant features occur in forceful, intimidating, controlling personalities. In its most deeply ingrained, inflexible form, the Dominant pattern displays itself in domineering, belligerent, aggressive behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of sadistic personality disorder.

Millon's personality patterns have predictable, reliable, observable psychological indicators (expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood/temperament, self-image, regulatory mechanisms, object representations, and morphologic organization). The diagnostic features of the Dominant pattern with respect to each of Millon's eight attribute domains are summarized below.

Expressive behavior. The core diagnostic feature of the expressive acts of Dominant individuals is assertiveness; they are tough, strong-willed, outspoken, competitive, and unsentimental. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern are characteristically forceful; they are controlling, contentious, and at times overbearing, their power-oriented tendencies being evident in occasional intransigence, stubbornness, and coercive behaviors. When they feel strongly about something, these individuals can be quite blunt, brusque, and impatient, with sudden, abrupt outbursts of an unwarranted or precipitous nature. The most extreme variants of this pattern are aggressive; they are intimidating, domineering, argumentative, and precipitously belligerent. They derive pleasure from humiliating others and can be quite malicious. For this reason, people often shy away from these personalities, sensing them to be cold, callous, and insensitive to the feelings of others. All variants of this pattern tend to view tender emotions as a sign of weakness, avoid expressions of warmth and intimacy, and are suspicious of gentility, compassion, and kindness. Many insist on being seen as faultless; however, they invariably are inflexible and dogmatic, rarely concede on any issue, even in the face of evidence negating the validity of their position. They have a low frustration threshold and are especially sensitive to reproach or deprecation. When pushed on personal matters, they can become furious and are likely to respond reflexively and often vindictively, especially when feeling humiliated or belittled. Thus, they are easily provoked to attack, their first inclination being to dominate and demean their adversaries. (Millon, 1996, pp. 483, 487)

Interpersonal conduct. The core diagnostic feature of the interpersonal conduct of Dominant individuals is their commanding presence; they are powerful, authoritative, directive, and persuasive. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern are characteristically intimidating; they tend to be abrasive, contentious, coercive, and combative, often dictate to others, and are willing and able to humiliate others to evoke compliance. Their strategy of assertion and dominance has an important instrumental purpose in interpersonal relations, as most people are intimidated by hostility, sarcasm, criticism, and threats. Thus, these personalities are adept at having their way by browbeating others into respect and submission. The most extreme variants of this pattern are belligerent; they reveal satisfaction in intimidating, coercing, and humiliating others. Individuals with all gradations of this pattern frequently find a successful niche for themselves in roles where hostile and belligerent behaviors are socially sanctioned or admired, thus providing an outlet for vengeful hostility cloaked in the guise of social responsibility. (Millon, 1996, p. 484; Millon & Everly, 1985, p. 32)

Cognitive style. The core diagnostic feature of the cognitive style of Dominant individuals is its opinionated nature; they are outspoken, emphatic, and adamant, holding strong beliefs that they vigorously defend. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern tend to be dogmatic; they are inflexible and closed-minded, lacking objectivity and clinging obstinately to preconceived ideas, beliefs, and values. The most extreme variants of this pattern are narrow-mindedly bigoted; they are socially intolerant and inherently prejudiced, especially toward envied or derogated social groups. Some of these individuals have a crude, callous exterior and seem coarsely unperceptive. This notwithstanding, all variants of this pattern are finely attuned to the subtle elements of human interaction, keenly aware of the moods and feelings of others, and skilled at using others' foibles and sensitivities to manipulate them for their own purposes. The more extreme variants of this pattern, in particular, are quick to turn another's perceived weaknesses to their own advantage - often in an intentionally callous manner - by upsetting the other's equilibrium in their quest to dominate and control. (Millon, 1996, pp. 484-485)

Mood/temperament. The core diagnostic feature of the characteristic mood and temperament of Dominant individuals is irritability; they have an excitable temper that they may at times find difficult to control. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern tend to be cold and unfriendly; they are disinclined to experience and express tender feelings, and have a volatile temper that flares readily into contentious argument and physical belligerence. The most extreme variants of this pattern evince pervasive hostility and anger; they are fractious, mean-spirited, and malicious, with callous disregard for the rights of others. Their volcanic temper seems perpetually primed to erupt, sometimes into physical belligerence. More than any other personality type, people with this extreme variant of the Dominant pattern are willing to do harm and persecute others if necessary to have their way. All variants of this pattern are prone to anger and to a greater or lesser extent deficient in the capacity to share warm or tender feelings, to experience genuine affection and love for another, or to empathize with the needs of others. (Millon, 1996, p. 486; Millon & Everly, 1985, p. 32)

Self-image. The core diagnostic feature of the self-image of Dominant individuals is that they view themselves as assertive; they perceive themselves as forthright, unsentimental, and bold. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern recognize their fundamentally competitive nature; they are strong-willed, energetic, and commanding, and may take pride in describing themselves as tough and realistically hardheaded. More exaggerated variants of the Dominant pattern perceive themselves as powerful; they are combative, viewing themselves as self-reliant, unyielding, and strong-hard-boiled, perhaps, but unflinching, honest, and realistic. They seem proud to characterize themselves as competitive, vigorous, and militantly hardheaded, which is consistent of their "dog-eat-dog" view of the world. Though more extreme variants may enhance their sense of self by overvaluing aspects of themselves that present a pugnacious, domineering, and power-oriented image, it is rare for these personalities to acknowledge malicious or vindictive motives. Thus, hostile behavior on their part is typically framed in prosocial terms, which enhances their sense of self. (Millon, 1996, p. 485; Millon & Everly, 1985, p. 32)

Regulatory mechanisms. The core diagnostic feature of the regulatory (i.e., ego-defense) mechanisms of highly Dominant individuals is isolation; they are able to detach themselves emotionally from the impact of their aggressive acts upon others. In some situations, these personalities may have learned that there are times when it is best to restrain and transmute their more aggressive thoughts and feelings. Thus, they may soften and redirect their hostility, typically by employing the mechanisms of rationalization, sublimation, and projection, all of which lend themselves in some fashion to finding plausible and socially acceptable excuses for less than admirable impulses and actions. Thus, blunt directness may be rationalized as signifying frankness and honesty, a lack of hypocrisy, and a willingness to face issues head on. On the longer term, socially sanctioned resolution (i.e., sublimation) of hostile urges is seen in the competitive occupations to which these aggressive personalities gravitate. Finally, these personalities may preempt the disapproval they anticipate from others by projecting their hostility onto them, thereby justifying their aggressive actions as mere counteraction to unjust persecution. Individuals with extreme, malignant variations of this pattern may engage in group scapegoating, viewing the objects of their violations impersonally as despised symbols of a devalued people, empty of dignity and deserving degradation. (Millon, 1996, pp. 485-486)

Object representations. The core diagnostic feature of the internalized object representations of highly Dominant individuals is their pernicious nature. Characteristically, there is a marked paucity of tender and sentimental objects, and an underdevelopment of images that activate feelings of shame or guilt. For individuals with extreme, malignant variations of this pattern, the inner imprint of significant early experiences that serves as a substrate of dispositions (i.e., templates) for perceiving and reacting to current life events, are composed of aggressive feelings and memories, and images comprising harsh relationships and malicious attitudes. Consequently, their life experience is recast to reflect the expectancy of hostility and the need to preempt it. These dynamics undergird a "jungle philosophy" of life where the only perceived recourse is to act in a bold, critical, assertive, and ruthless manner. Of particular note, the more extreme variants of this pattern are imbued with a harsh, antihumanistic disposition. Some are adept at pointing out the hypocrisy and ineffectuality of so-called "do-gooders." Others justify their toughness and cunning by pointing to the hostile and exploitative behavior of others; to them, the only way to survive in this world is to dominate and control. (Millon, 1996, p. 485)

Morphologic organization. The core diagnostic feature of the morphologic organization of highly Dominant individuals is its eruptiveness; powerful energies are so forceful that they periodically overwhelm these personalities' otherwise adequate modulating controls, defense operations, and expressive channels, resulting in the harsh behavior commonly seen in these personalities. This tendency is exacerbated by the unrestrained expression of intense and explosive emotions stemming from early life experiences. Moreover, these personalities dread the thought of being vulnerable, of being deceived, and of being humiliated. Viewing people as basically ruthless, these personalities are driven to gain power over others, to dominate them and outmaneuver or outfox them at their own game. Personal feelings are regarded as a sign of weakness and dismissed as mere maudlin sentimentality. (Millon, 1996, p. 486)

Secondary Pattern: Narcissistic
http://www.millon.net/taxonomy/narcissistic.htm

MIDC Scale 2: The Ambitious Pattern

The Ambitious pattern, as do all personality patterns, occurs on a continuum ranging from normal to maladaptive. At the well-adjusted pole are confident, socially poised, assertive personalities. Slightly exaggerated Ambitious features occur in personalities that are sometimes perceived as self-promoting, overconfident, or arrogant. In its most deeply ingrained, inflexible form, the Ambitious pattern manifests itself in extreme self-absorption or exploitative behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of narcissistic personality disorder.

Millon's personality patterns have well-established diagnostic indicators associated with each of the eight attribute domains of expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood/temperament, self-image, regulatory mechanisms, object-representations, and morphologic organization. The major diagnostic features of the Ambitious pattern are summarized below.

Expressive behavior. The core diagnostic feature of the expressive acts of Ambitious individuals is their confidence; they are socially poised, self-assured, and self-confident, conveying an air of calm, untroubled self-assurance. More exaggerated variants of the Ambitious pattern tend to act in a conceited manner, their natural self-assurance shading into supreme self-confidence, hubris, immodesty, or presumptuousness. They are self-promoting and may display an inflated sense of self-importance. They typically have a superior, supercilious, imperious, haughty, disdainful manner. Characteristically, though usually unwittingly, they exploit others, take them for granted, and frequently act as though entitled. The most extreme variants of this pattern are arrogant; they are self-serving, reveal a self-important indifference to the rights of others, and are manipulative and lacking in integrity. They commonly flout conventional rules of shared social living, which they view as naive or inapplicable to themselves. All variants of this pattern are to some degree self-centered and lacking in generosity and social reciprocity. (Millon, 1996, p. 405; Millon & Everly, 1985, pp. 32, 39)

Interpersonal conduct. The core diagnostic feature of the interpersonal conduct of Ambitious individuals is their assertiveness; they stand their ground and are tough, competitive, persuasive, hardnosed, and shrewd. More exaggerated variants of the Ambitious pattern are entitled; they lack genuine empathy and expect favors without assuming reciprocal responsibilities. The most extreme variants of this pattern are exploitative; they shamelessly take others for granted and manipulate and use them to indulge their desires, enhance themselves, or advance their personal agenda, yet contributing little or nothing in return. Ironically, the sheer audacity of all variants of this pattern, rather than being clearly seen for what it is - impertinence, impudence, or sheer gall - often conveys confidence and authority and evokes admiration and obedience from others. Indeed, these personalities are skilled at sizing up those around them and conditioning those so disposed to adulate, glorify, and serve them. (Millon, 1996, pp. 405-406; Millon & Everly, 1985, pp. 32, 39)

Cognitive style. The core diagnostic feature of the cognitive style of Ambitious individuals is their imaginativeness; they are inventive, innovative, and resourceful, and ardently believe in their own efficacy. More exaggerated variants of the Ambitious pattern are cognitively expansive; they display extraordinary confidence in their own ideas and potential for success and redeem themselves by taking liberty with facts or distorting the truth. The most extreme variants of this pattern are cognitively unconstrained; they are preoccupied with self-glorifying fantasies of accomplishment or fame, are little constrained by objective reality or cautionary feedback, and deprecate competitors or detractors in their quest for glory. All variants of this pattern to some degree harbor fantasies of success or rationalize their failures; thus, they tend to exaggerate their achievements, transform failures into successes, construct lengthy and intricate justifications that inflate their self-worth, and quickly deprecate those who refuse to bend to or enhance their admirable sense of self. (Millon, 1996, p. 406; Millon & Everly, 1985, pp. 32, 39)

Mood/temperament. The core diagnostic feature of the characteristic mood and temperament of Ambitious individuals is their social poise; they are self-composed, serene, and optimistic, and are typically imperturbable, unruffled, and cool and levelheaded under pressure. More exaggerated variants of the Ambitious pattern are insouciant; they manifest a general air of nonchalance, imperturbability, or feigned tranquility. They characteristically appear coolly unimpressionable or buoyantly optimistic, except when their narcissistic confidence is shaken, at which time either rage, shame, or emptiness is briefly displayed. The most extreme variants of this pattern are exuberant; they experience a pervasive sense of emotional well-being in their everyday life - a buoyancy of spirit and an optimism of outlook - except when their sense of superiority is punctured. When emotionally deflated, their air of nonchalance and imperturbability quickly turns to edgy irritability and annoyance. Under more trying circumstances, sham serenity may turn to feelings of emptiness and humiliation, sometimes with vacillating episodes of rage, shame, and dejection. All variants of this pattern to some degree convey a self-satisfied smugness, yet are easily angered when criticized, obstructed, or crossed. (Millon, 1996, p. 408; Millon & Everly, 1985, pp. 32, 39)

Self-image. The core diagnostic feature of the self-perception of Ambitious individuals is their certitude; they have strong self-efficacy beliefs and considerable courage of conviction. More exaggerated variants of the Ambitious pattern have an admirable sense of self; they view themselves as extraordinarily meritorious and esteemed by others, and have a high degree of self-worth, though others may see them as egotistic, inconsiderate, cocksure, and arrogant. The most extreme variants of this pattern have a superior sense of self. They view themselves as having unique and special qualities, deserving of great admiration and entitled to unusual rights and privileges. Accordingly, they often act in a pompous or grandiose manner, often in the absence of commensurate achievements. Some of these individuals may exhibit a messianic self-perception; those failing to pay proper respect or bend to their will typically are treated with scorn and contempt. (Millon, 1996, p. 406)

Regulatory mechanisms. The core diagnostic features of the unconscious regulatory (i.e., ego-defense) mechanisms of Ambitious individuals are rationalization and fantasy; when their admirable self-image is challenged or their confidence shaken, they maintain equilibrium with facile self-deceptions, devising plausible reasons to justify their self-centered and socially inconsiderate behaviors. They rationalize their difficulties, offering alibis to put themselves in a positive light despite evident shortcomings and failures. When rationalization fails, they turn to fantasy to assuage their feelings of dejection, shame, or emptiness, redeem themselves, and reassert their pride and status. (Millon, 1996, p. 407)

Object representations. The core diagnostic feature of the internalized object representations of Ambitious individuals is their contrived nature; the inner imprint of significant early experiences that serves as a substrate of dispositions (i.e., templates) for perceiving and reacting to current life events, consists of illusory and changing memories. Consequently, problematic experiences are refashioned to appear consonant with their high sense of self-worth, and unacceptable impulses and deprecatory evaluations are transmuted into more admirable images and percepts. (Millon, 1996, pp. 406-407)

Morphologic organization. The core diagnostic feature of the morphological organization of Ambitious individuals is its spuriousness; the interior design of the personality system, so to speak, is essentially counterfeit, or bogus. Owing to the misleading nature of their early experiences - characterized by the ease with which good things came to them - these individuals may lack the inner skills necessary for regulating their impulses, channeling their needs, and resolving conflicts. Accordingly, commonplace demands may be viewed as annoying incursions and routine responsibilities as pedestrian or demeaning. Excuses and justifications are easily mustered and serve to perpetuate selfish behaviors and exploitative, duplicitous social conduct. (Millon, 1996, pp. 407-408)

Subsidiary Pattern: Antisocial
http://www.millon.net/taxonomy/antisocial.htm

MIDC Scale 1B: The Dauntless Pattern

The Dauntless pattern, as do all personality patterns, occurs on a continuum ranging from normal to maladaptive. At the well-adjusted pole are adventurous, individualistic, venturesome personalities. Exaggerated Dauntless features occur in unconscientious, risk-taking, dissenting personalities. In its most deeply ingrained, inflexible form, the Dauntless pattern displays itself in reckless, irresponsible, self-aggrandizing behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder.

According to Oldham and Morris (1995, pp. 227-228), the following eight traits and behaviors are reliable clues to the presence of an Adventurous style:

  1. Nonconformity. Live by their own internal code of values; not strongly influenced by the norms of society.

  2. Challenge. Routinely engage in high-risk activities.

  3. Mutual independence. Not overly concerned about others; expect each individual to be responsible for him- or herself.

  4. Persuasiveness. "Silver-tongued" charmers talented in the art of social influence.

  5. Wanderlust. Like to keep moving; live by their talents, skills, ingenuity, and wits.

  6. Wild oats. History of childhood and adolescent mischief and hell-raising.

  7. True grit. Courageous, physically bold, and tough.

  8. No regrets. Live in the present; do not feel guilty about the past or anxious about the future.

Millon (1996), in examining the developmental background of so-called "socially sublimated antisocials" (p. 462), asserts that their experiential history is often characterized by secondary status in the family. He writes:

It is not only in socially underprivileged families or underclass communities that we see the emergence of antisocial individuals. The key problem for all has been their failure to experience the feeling of being treated fairly and having been viewed as a person/child of value in the family context. Such situations occur in many middle- and upper-middle class families. Here, parents may have given special attention to another sibling who was admired and highly esteemed, at least in the eyes of the "deprived" youngster. (p. 462)

Millon's personality patterns have well-established diagnostic indicators associated with each of the eight attribute domains of expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood/temperament, self-image, regulatory mechanisms, object-representations, and morphologic organization. The diagnostic features of the Dauntless pattern with respect to each of these attribute domains are summarized below.

Expressive behavior. Dauntless personalities are typically adventurous, fearless, and daring, attracted by challenge and undeterred by personal risk. They do things their own way and are willing to take the consequences. Not surprisingly, they often act hastily and spontaneously, failing to plan ahead or heed consequences, making spur-of-the-moment decisions without carefully considering alternatives. This penchant for shooting from the hip can signify boldness and the courage of one's convictions as easily as it may constitute shortsighted imprudence and poor judgment. (Millon, 1996, pp. 444-445, 449-450; Millon & Davis, 1998, p. 164)

Interpersonal conduct. Dauntless personalities are rugged individualists, not compromisers or conciliators. They take clear stands on the issues that matter, backed up by the self-confidence and personal skills and talents to prevail. Though generally jovial and convivial, they become confrontational and defiant when obstructed or crossed. (Millon, 1996, pp. 445-446, 449-450; Millon & Davis, 1998, p. 164)

Cognitive style. Dauntless personalities are original, independent-minded, and unconventional. At their best, XXXXX XXXXX are enterprising, innovative, and creative. They are nonconformists first and foremost, disdainful-even contemptuous-of traditional ideals and values. Moreover, Dauntless personalities shirk orthodoxy and typically believe that too many rules stand in the way of freedom. (Millon, 1996, pp. 446-447, 449-450; Millon & Davis, 1998, p. 164)

Mood/temperament. Dauntless personalities are untroubled and easygoing, but quickly become irritable and aggressive when crossed. They are cool, calm, and collected under pressure, restless and disgruntled when restricted or confined. They are tough-minded and unsentimental. They display their feelings openly and directly. (Millon, 1996, pp. 448-449, 449-450; Millon & Davis, 1998, p. 164)

Self-image. Dauntless personalities are self-confident, with a corresponding view of themselves as self-sufficient and autonomous. They pride themselves on their independence, competence, strength, and their ability to prevail without social support, and they expect the same of others (Millon, 1996, pp. 447, 449-450; Millon & Davis, 1998, p. 164)

Regulatory mechanisms. Dauntless personalities are unconstrained. They express their impulses directly, often in rash and precipitous fashion, and generally without regret or remorse. They rarely refashion their thoughts and actions to fit a socially desirable mold. (Millon, 1996, p. 448)

Object representations. Dauntless personalities are driven by restive impulses to discredit established cultural ideals and mores, yet are skilled in arrogating for themselves what material spoils they can garner from society. They are fundamentally driven by self-serving motives. (Millon, 1996, p. 447)

Morphologic organization. The inner drives and impulses of Dauntless personalities are unruly, recalcitrant, and rebellious, which gives rise to unfettered self-expression, a marked intolerance of delay or frustration, and low thresholds for emotional discharge, particularly those of a hostile nature. (Millon, 1996, p. 448)

Additional Traits: Paranoid
http://www.millon.net/taxonomy/paranoid.htm

MIDC Scale 9: The Distrusting Pattern

The Distrusting pattern, conceptually a decompensated, structurally defective extension of primarily the Dominant, Dauntless, Ambitious, and Conscientious patterns, has no normal variant. According to Millon (1996),

it is hard to conceive [of] normal paranoids. Although a number of these individuals restrain their markedly distorted beliefs and assumptions from public view, at no point does their fundamental paranoid inclination manifest itself in an acceptable, no less successful personality style. (p. 705)

The Distrusting pattern occurs on a continuum ranging from maladaptive to markedly disturbed. At the relatively adaptive pole are overly defensive, sullen, quarrelsome, highly suspicious personalities. In its most deeply ingrained, markedly disturbed form, the Distrusting pattern manifests itself in provocative, irascible, inviolable, paranoid behavior patterns that may be consistent with a clinical diagnosis of paranoid personality disorder.

Oldham and Morris (1995), with their Vigilant style, attempt to describe an adaptive version of this pattern:

Nothing escapes the notice of . . . [people who have a] Vigilant personality style. These individuals possess an exceptional awareness of their environment. . . . Their sensory antennae, continuously scanning the people and situations around them, alert them immediately to what is awry, out of place, dissonant, or dangerous, especially in their dealings with other people. Vigilant types have a special kind of hearing. They are immediately aware of mixed messages, the hidden motivations, the evasions, and the subtlest distortions of the truth that elude or delude less gifted observers. With such a focus, Vigilant individuals naturally assume the roles of social critic, watchdog, ombudsman, and crusader in their private or our public domain, ready to spring upon the improprieties - especially the abuses of power - that poison human affairs. (p. 157)

This style, essentially, is equivalent to the less maladaptive, suspicious variant of the MIDC's (Immelman, 1999; Immelman & Steinberg, 1999) Distrusting pattern. In addition, the portion Oldham and Morris's (1995) description pertaining to hypervigilance ("scanning the people and situations around them") overlaps with the "insecure" variant of the MIDC's Reticent pattern, whereas the reference to the crusader role in society incorporates aspects of both the Conscientious and Dominant patterns.

Drawing from Blaney's (1999) catalogue of traits associated with paranoid conditions, paranoid individuals - particularly those who also have a strong narcissistic orientation - over time are likely to become increasingly mistrustful, suspicious, and vigilant; thin-skinned (hypersensitive to perceived slights and easily enraged by narcissistic injury); vengeful (determined to "balance the books" with respect to what they perceive as past wrongs); dichotomous ("us versus them" social perception); self-contained (impervious to corrective action in response to advice and new information); self-righteous (arrogant and acting with a sense of entitlement); and self-justifying (viewing their own transgressions either as a defensive necessity or as "payback" for the malevolence or wrongs of others).

Millon's personality patterns have predictable, reliable, observable psychological indicators (expressive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood/temperament, self-image, regulatory mechanisms, object-representations, and morphologic organization). The major diagnostic features of the Distrusting pattern are summarized below.

Expressive behavior. The core diagnostic feature of the expressive acts of Distrusting individuals is their defensiveness; they are distrustful and overly suspicious, firmly resistant to external influence and control. Individuals with the most extreme manifestation of this pattern are extraordinarily vigilant; they scan the environment for potential threat, perpetually alert to, anticipating, and ready to ward off expected deception, derogation, and malice. (Millon, 1996, p. 701)

Interpersonal conduct. The core diagnostic feature of the interpersonal conduct of Distrusting individuals is their quarrelsomeness; they are polemical, argumentative, disputatious, and fractious. Exasperating and truculent, they do not forgive insults and carry grudges. Individuals with the most extreme manifestation of this pattern are acrimonious; they are abrasive and vexatious. Prone to harassment and provocation, they precipitate anger and hostility with their persistent testing of loyalties and their intrusive, searching preoccupation with hidden motives in others. (Millon, 1996, pp. 701-702)

Cognitive Style. The core diagnostic feature of the cognitive style of Distrusting individuals is suspicion; they are highly and unreasonably mistrustful of the motives of others. Individuals who display the most pronounced variant of this pattern display an unequivocally paranoid cognitive style; they characteristically construe innocuous events as signifying hidden or conspiratorial intent and reveal a pervasive tendency to magnify tangential or minor social difficulties into proofs of duplicity, malice, and treachery. (Millon, 1996, pp. 702-703)

Mood/temperament. The core diagnostic feature of the characteristic mood and temperament of Distrusting individuals is their sullen demeanor; although they may attempt to present themselves as unemotional and objective, they are fundamentally humorless, quick to take personal offense, and primed to respond with anger. The most extreme variants of this pattern are utterly irascible; they are incorrigibly churlish and thin-skinned. Characteristically cold, sullen, and fractious, they seem constantly on edge, consumed by jealousy, envy, and resentment. (Millon, 1996, pp. 704-705)

Self-image. The core diagnostic feature of the self-perception of Distrusting individuals is their formidable view of themselves; they lack self-doubt and are pridefully independent, which makes them reluctant to confide in or accept advice from others. Highly insular, they experience an intense fear of losing their identity, status, and power of self-determination. The most extreme variants of this pattern harbor a self-perception of inviolability; they have persistent ideas of reference and self-importance. Frequently perceiving character attacks not discernible to others, entirely innocuous actions and events frequently are considered personally derogatory and scurrilous, if not libelous. (Millon, 1996, p. 703)

Regulatory mechanisms. The core diagnostic feature of the unconscious regulatory (i.e., ego-defense) mechanisms of Distrusting individuals is projection; they actively disowns undesirable personal traits and motives and attribute them to others. (Millon, 1996, p. 703-704)

Object representations. The core diagnostic feature of the internalized object representations of Distrusting individuals is their inalterability; the inner imprint of significant early experiences that serves as a substrate of dispositions (i.e., templates) for perceiving and reacting to current life events, constitute a fixed and implacable configuration of deeply held beliefs and attitudes. Unyielding convictions are aligned idiosyncratically with a fixed hierarchy of tenaciously held, but unwarranted assumptions, fears, and conjectures. (Millon, 1996, p. 703)

Morphologic organization. The core diagnostic feature of the morphological organization of Distrusting individuals is its inelasticity; systematic constriction and inflexibility of undergirding morphologic structures, as well as rigidly fixed channels of defensive coping, conflict mediation, and need gratification, create an overstrung and taut frame that is so uncompromising in its accommodation to changing circumstances that unanticipated stressors are likely to precipitate either explosive outbursts or inner shatterings. (Millon, 1996, pp. 704)

Summary and Formulation: The Malevolent Psychopath

With his core sadistic personality pattern, infused with antisocial and narcissistic features and a possible overlay of incipient paranoia, XXXXX XXXXX appears to be a close match for a malignant personality composite that Millon (1996, pp. 453-454; see also Millon & Davis, 1998, pp. 168-169 and Millon & Davis, 2000, pp. 112-113) has labeled the malevolent antisocial.

Millon (1996) describes the malevolent antisocial as follows:

This subtype epitomizes the least attractive of the antisocial variants because it includes individuals who are especially vindictive and hostile. Their impulse toward retribution is discharged in a hateful and destructive defiance of conventional social life. Distrustful of others and anticipating betrayal and punishment, they have acquired a cold-blooded ruthlessness, an intense desire to gain revenge for the real or imagined mistreatment to which they were subjected in childhood. Here we see a sweeping rejection of tender emotions and a deep suspicion that the goodwill efforts expressed by others are merely ploys to deceive and undo them. They assume a chip-on-the-shoulder attitude, a readiness to lash out at those whom they distrust or those whom they can use as scapegoats for their seething impulse to destroy. Descriptively, we may summarize their traits with the following adjectives: belligerent, mordant, rancorous, vicious, malignant, brutal, callous, truculent, and vengeful. They are distinctively fearless and guiltless, inclined to anticipate and search out betrayal and punitiveness on the part of others. The primary antisocial characteristics of these individuals may be seen as features that blend with either or both the paranoid or sadistic personality, reflecting not only a deep sense of deprivation and a desire for compensatory retribution, but intermingling within them an intense suspiciousness and hostility.

Dreading that others may view them as weak, or may manipulate them into submission, they rigidly maintain an image of hard-boiled strength, carrying themselves truculently and acting tough, callous, and fearless. To prove their courage, they may even court danger and punishment. But punishment will only verify their anticipation of unjust treatment. Rather than being a deterrent, it may reinforce their rebelliousness and their desire for retribution. In positions of power, they often brutalize others to confirm their self-image of strength. If faced with persistent failure, beaten down in efforts to dominate and control others, or finding aspirations far outdistancing their luck, their feelings of frustration, resentment, and anger will only mount to a moderate level, rarely to a point where their controls give way to a raw brutality and vengeful hostility, as is seen in the tyrannical sadist. Spurred by repeated rejection and driven by an increasing need for power and retribution, their aggressive impulses will, however, surge into the open. At these times, their behaviors may become outrageously and flagrantly antisocial. Not only will they show minimal guilt or remorse for what they have done, but they are likely to display an arrogant contempt for the rights of the others.

What distinguishes the malevolent antisocial from the tyrannical sadist is the former's capacity to understand guilt and remorse, if not necessarily to experience it. They are capable of giving a perfectly rational explanation of ethical concepts, that is, they know what is right and what is wrong, but they seem incapable of feeling it. We cannot ascertain whether this experiential deficit is constitutionally built in or consequential to deficiencies in early learning. Nevertheless, there appears to be a defect in the capacity to empathize with the rightness or wrongness of their actions. As with the tyrannical sadist, these antisocials may come to relish menacing others, to make them cower and withdraw. They are combative and seek to bring more pressure on their opponents than their opponents are willing to tolerate or to bring against them. Most make few concessions, are inclined to escalate as far as necessary, never letting go until others succumb. In contrast to the tyrannical sadist, however, [malevolent] antisocials recognize the limits of what can be done in their own self-interests. They do not lose self-conscious awareness of their actions and will press forward only if their goals of self-aggrandizement are likely to be achieved. Their adversarial stance is often contrived, a bluffing mechanism to ensure that others will back off. Infrequently are actions taken that may lead to a misjudgment and counterreaction in these matters. (pp. 453-454)

Millon and Davis (2000) describe the malevolent antisocial as follows:

As a blend of the antisocial and paranoid or sadistic personalities, malevolents are the least attractive antisocials. Belligerent, rancorous, vicious, malignant, brutal, callous, vengeful, and vindictive, they perform actions charged with a hateful and destructive defiance of conventional social life. Like the paranoid, they anticipate betrayal and punishment. Rather than merely issue verbal threats, however, they seek to secure their boundaries with a cold-blooded ruthlessness that avenges every mistreatment they believe others have inflicted on them in the past. For them, tender emotions are a sign of weakness. The goodwill of others is never genuine, but instead hides a deceptive ploy for which they must always be on their guard. Where sadistic traits are prominent, they may display a chip-on-the-shoulder attitude and a willingness to confirm their strong self-image by victimizing those too weak to retaliate or those whose terror might prove particularly entertaining. When confronted with displays of strength, malevolents are experts at the art of posturing and enjoy pressuring their opponents until they cower and withdraw. Most make few concessions, and instead escalate confrontations as far as necessary, backing down only when clearly outgunned. (pp. 112-113)

References

Blaney, P. H. (1999). Paranoid conditions. In T. Millon, P. H. Blaney, & R. D. Davis (Eds.), Oxford textbook of psychopathology (pp. 339-361). New York: Oxford University Press.

Immelman, A. (1999). Millon inventory of diagnostic criteria manual (2nd ed.). Unpublished manuscript, St. John's University, Collegeville, MN.

Immelman, A., & Steinberg, B. S. (Compilers) (1999). Millon inventory of diagnostic criteria (2nd ed.). Unpublished research scale, St. John's University, Collegeville, MN.

Kernberg, O. F. (1984). Severe personality disorders: Psychotherapeutic strategies. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Millon, T., & Davis, R. D. (1998). Ten subtypes of psychopathy. In T. Millon, E. Simonsen, M. Birket-Smith, & R. D. Davis (Eds.), Psychopathy: Antisocial, criminal, and violent behavior (pp. 161-170). New York: Guilford.

Millon, T., & Davis, R. D. (2000). Personality disorders in modern life. New York: Wiley.

Millon, T., & Everly, G. S., Jr. (1985). Personality and its disorders: A biosocial learning approach. New York: Wiley.

Oldham, J. M., & Morris, L. B. (1995). The new personality self-portrait. (Rev. ed.). New York: Bantam Books.

There are these works on Ted Bundy which address these issues:

Michaud, Stephen, and Hugh Aynesworth. Ted Bundy: Conversations with a Killer. Transcripts of the authors' 1980 Death Row interviews with Bundy.

Nelson, Polly. Defending the Devil: My Story as Ted Bundy's Last Lawyer. William Morrow, 1994, 329 pages. ISBN 0-688-10823-7

Rule, Ann. The Stranger Beside Me. Signet, 2000, paperback, 548 pages. ISBN 0-451-20326-7. Updated 20th anniversary edition.

Also, the follwing book would be a really good thing to read:

Serial Killers: Issues Explored Through the Green River Murders

  • Paperback: 208 pages
  • Publisher: Prentice Hall; Pap/Cdr edition (January 14, 2006)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10:(NNN) NNN-NNNN
  • ISBN-13: 978-0131529663

Book Description
Serial Killers is intended to fill a void in the serial killer literature. Little has been written about the plethora of challenging issues that permeate the serial killer cases or massive murder investigations. This book provides a collection of essays that focus on some of those rich issues. Taken as a whole, the essays take the perspective of the Green River Murders and the turbulent relationship of the many people it touched over two decades. Although the essays revolve around the Green River Murders, the issues identified and explored in the essays are relevant to any in-depth discussion of such controversial topics as murder investigations, justice, victimology, interrogation techniques, media coverage of crime, and grief. Serial Killers is written in a style that would appeal to true crime readers.

 

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